Biography of mallam aminu kano

Nigerian politician (–)

MallamAminu KanoGCON^[1] (9 August &#; 17 April )^[2] was a Nigerian radical opposition political leader, teacher, poet, playwright, and trade unionist from Kano. He played an active role during the transition from British colonial rule to independence, the First Republic, Military rule, and the Second Republic. Representing the Kano East constituency, he served as the Deputy Government Chief Whip in the Federal House of Representatives. During Yakubu Gowon's administration, he served as the Federal Commissioner for Communications and the Federal Commissioner for Health. He was a vocal critic of British colonialism and its indirect rule policy in northern Nigeria. A self-described democratic humanist and reformer, Aminu combined his knowledge of Western and Islamic education to champion the liberation of the talakawa (commoners).^[3][4][5][6]

In , Aminu founded the Northern Teachers' Association, the first labor union in Northern Nigeria, and helped form the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC), initially a cultural organisation, in the same year. Due to the conservatism of most its members, he left the NPC to co-found the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), a socialist party and the first declared political party in Northern Nigeria. He resigned from teaching in to become a full-time politician. Elected President of NEPU in , under his leadership the party pursued rapid decolonisation and the emancipation of the talakawa. After several failed attempts, he won his first election in , joining the Federal House of Representatives.^[5]

As a parliamentarian, Aminu continued to advocate for decolonisation in Nigeria and across Africa, particularly in South Africa and Congo. He was also appointed a United Nations delegate, promoting a non-aligned position for Nigeria and 'non-bloc diplomacy'. His tenure ended after losing his seat in the general election. However, he became the most influential Northern Nigerian following the coup, which resulted in the assassination of Ahmadu Bello and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, ending the First Republic. He served as a Federal Commissioner during Yakubu Gowon's military administration (–). With the return to politics in the Second Republic, Aminu founded the socialist People's Redemption Party (PRP) and ran for president. His main political focus remained the emancipation of the talakawa and the empowerment of women, particularly through education.^[5]

The Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport, the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, Aminu Kano College of Education, Aminu Kano Community Commercial College, Aminu Kano Centre for Democratic Studies, and the Aminu Kano College of Islamic Studies all in Kano state, are named after him. He is regarded as one of modern Nigeria's founding fathers and is widely respected throughout the country.^[7]

Early life and education

Aminu was born in the Sudawa ward of the city of Kano on 9 August to Rakaiya and Mallam Yusufu of the Gyanawa, a Fulani clan known for their Islamic scholarship, particularly in Islamic law.^{[2][8]:&#;&#;} Of his mother's six births, he was the only one to reach the age of Both of his parents were well learned in Islam, and his father later served as the Acting Chief Alkali of Kano. His grandmother was given the Fulani title of Modibbo, typically reserved for respected Islamic scholars.^[9]:&#;&#; According to local tradition, Usman dan Fodio, the founder of the Sokoto Caliphate, himself appointed a relative of Aminu to the position of Kano's chief Alkali. Since then, the Gyanawa have been sought after to occupy legal positions such as alkalis, walis and muftis.^{[10]:&#;27&#;[11][9]:&#;&#;[12]:&#;&#;[8]:&#;&#;}

Aminu's maternal lineage also had several learned men and women dating back centuries. They were Fulbe who emigrated from Kukawa in the Bornu empire to Kano.^{[8]:&#;&#;[13]:&#;&#;} Among them was a mallam who served as a personal adviser to the then Emir of Kano, Sulimanu. This mallam supported himself by breeding and selling pigeons, earning the nickname Mallam Mai Tattabari ('the mallam who raises pigeons'). This nickname became an official title in the Kano palace and has been passed down to his successors, serving as the emirs' personal Imams and advisers on Islamic law.^{[10]:&#;27&#;}

As an infant, Aminu began his education with his first teachers being his mother and grandmother, who both taught him the Arabic language and how to read the Quran.^{[12]:&#;&#;[14]} After his mother died in ,^[5] he relocated to his uncle's home to live under the care of his maternal grandmother, who lived there. Consequently, Halilu, his uncle who was later appointed 'Mallam Mai Tattabari', became responsible for his Koranic education.^{[10]:&#;41–43&#;[15]:&#;&#;} Aminu was further enrolled into Shehuci Primary School, a western school, where he was taught how to read and write in English.^{[8]:&#;&#;[15]:&#;&#;} He adopted the name of his birthplace, Kano, as his surname, a common practice among western educated Northern Nigerians at the time.^[16]:&#;&#;

In , Aminu began attending Kano Middle School (later renamed Rumfa College, Kano), a boarding school. There, in , he led one of the first student strikes in Nigeria against a shortage of soap, poor food, "too many restrictions, and too severe a code of behavior".^{[10]:&#;48–49&#;} He then proceeded to Kaduna College (later renamed Barewa College) where he obtained a diploma in education in ^{[8]:&#;&#;[15]:&#;&#;[17]}

Teaching career

After graduating from Kaduna College in , Aminu opted for a career in law rather than following the path of his classmates who mostly chose teaching. This choice was uncommon as Sharia courts, more popular than the parallel magistrate courts in Kano among Muslims, did not allow lawyers. Additionally, his interest in studying medicine in England was hindered by the requirement to attend King's College and Yaba Higher College, both in Lagos in Southern Nigeria, for some years. However, due to ongoing student unrests, the principal of King's College was reluctant to admit Aminu, who was known for leading student protests. Aminu also attempted to join the army and the police force but was rejected from both as he was five feet four, an inch shorter than the minimum height requirement. At Kaduna College, many continued to advise him to pursue a teaching career but it was his science teacher, Dr. R. E. Miller, who convinced him to take up teaching as a profession.^{[10]:&#;60&#;[17][18][12]:&#;&#;} Miller's argument was

Look, I'd advise you to join the teaching class. With the war going on, and the Germans advancing on all fronts, it isn't inconceivable that Hitler may temporarily take over Nigeria. In such a case, you would need a professional hiding place, and what better place than teaching? Besides, I would take you as the sole teacher-in-training for science—one of your great loves, right?^{[10]:&#;61&#;[12]:&#;&#;}

During his teacher training, Aminu was assigned to various towns for teaching assignments. In his second year, he spent five months each in Bauchi and Zaria and an additional two months "visiting schools in the south". It was in his final year of training in that his burgeoning radical political views became apparent. He began writing for the few newspapers and magazines available at the time, like Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo and the West African Pilot, and developed a keen interest in politics. It was also during this year that he penned his pamphlet 'Kano Under the Hammer of Native Autocracy,' a critique of the Native Authority.^{[8]:&#;&#;[10]:&#;69–70&#;}

Towards the end of his time at Kaduna College, he met Sa'adu Zungur, who was to "influence Aminu's thinking profoundly".^{[10]:&#;72&#;[9]:&#;&#;} Zungur, older than Aminu and an earlier proponent of radical politics, served as the head of the School of Pharmacy in Zaria. Aminu often had long discussions with Zungur, frequently visiting his home after classes. Their acquaintance dated back to when Zungur visited Kano, leaving a lasting impression on Aminu with his radical and progressive views. Aminu maintained sporadic correspondence with Zungur until their reunion in Zaria.^{[10]:&#;72&#;}

Bauchi

Upon completing his teacher training, Aminu relocated to Bauchi, assuming the role of a junior teacher at Bauchi Middle School.^[17] His colleagues at the school included Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and Yahaya Gusau. Aminu's amicable relationship with Balewa, who later became Nigeria's only ever Prime Minister, began during their time teaching in Bauchi. It was during this period that Balewa gave him the nickname 'Molotov' after Vyacheslav Molotov, the Soviet statesman. Zungur also moved to Bauchi during this time, having returned to his hometown due to a lung disorder he got in Zaria.^{[10]:&#;84–85&#;}

Aminu was well-respected among the students at the school. They often gathered at his home after school hours for discussions and other extra-curricular activities. He occasionally organised plays and shows for the students, sometimes using Abubakar Imam's works. To supplement his lessons, he composed songs and poems for his students. He was also active in various student societies including drama, debating, and science.^{[10]:&#;85–86&#;}

His close association with the students and his radical ideas made him unpopular with the school's administration and other teachers. On one occasion, the entire student body staged a strike over issues such as lack of uniforms and blankets, withheld pocket money, and poor food quality. The one student left, the head boy who was Balewa's younger brother, acted as their spokesman. The senior students, among them was Sule Katagum, lead the other students towards Maiduguri. The Emir of Bauchi and several teachers caught up with them, attempting to negotiate, but the students insisted on speaking only with Aminu. Later, Aminu arrived with Yahya Gusau, and "reassured them that their complaints would get proper airing" and convinced them to return to their dormitories. Following an investigation into the complaints, they were validated, resulting in the replacement of the headmaster with Balewa, "who righted the pre-existing wrongs".^{[10]:&#;86&#;}

Bauchi General Improvement Union

In , Aminu, alongside Zungur, Balewa and Gusau, formed the Bauchi General Improvement Union (BGIU), where they held discussions critiquing British colonial policies and the Native Authority.^{[12]:&#;&#;[15][19]} This organisation was likely influenced by a similar organisation Zungur had founded while in Zaria, the Northern Provinces General Improvement Union (NPGIU).^[20] Aminu and Zungur wrote letters and articles attacking the British 'directed labour' policy, which they saw as a disguised form of conscription. With Britain requiring significant quantities of food, tin, and soldiers for World War II, colonial officials exerted pressure on Native Authorities to 'direct' specified quotas of food and manpower. Britain extensively used unregulated forced conscription in Northern Nigeria to support its war effort after its military misfortunes in the Far East in ^[21] One of Aminu's unsigned articles was read by the senior District Officer, A J Knott, in the West African Pilot, who traced it back to the BGIU. This discovery led to the dissolution of the union and its replacement with the Bauchi Discussion Circle (BDC) or Majalisar Tadi ta Bauchi, sponsored by colonial authorities. The BDC was designed as a sanctioned platform for open debate encompassing 'any and all ideas'.^{[10]:&#;89&#;[12]:&#;89&#;[20][22]:&#;&#;}

Bauchi Discussion Circle

BDC held weekly discussions, attracting various attendees like department heads, administrators, merchants and teachers. The number of participants surpassed that of the previous Bauchi General Improvement Union (BGIU), attracting moderates who felt more at ease given the government's sanction. Aminu, as secretary, was in charge of sending out invitations and choosing the topics to be discussed. These topics discussed included economic development, democracy, medicine, war and religion. When the topic was freedom of the press, Aminu and Zungur highlighted the contradiction in British policy, arguing that on the one hand they suppressed and privately condemned the only voices independent of the emirs and on the other hand, they publicly encouraged independent thought and initiative.^{[10]:&#;89&#;}

In a discussion on indirect rule, he argued that "it had outlived the purpose for which it was originally intended" and that it was "the most exploiting system of colonial administration the world had ever known".^{[10]:&#;90&#;[12]:&#;&#;} He further pointed out that at the time of the British takeover, the Sokoto Caliphate and its emirates had morphed into a system unintended by Shehu Usman dan Fodio, its founder. Aminu argued that the succession of caliphs was meant to be based on merit rather than birth and that the autocratic system of governance was against the teachings of the Islamic Prophet Muhammad and the Shehu. Balewa, being more of a moderate than Aminu, lightly defended the indirect rule system, arguing that the maintenance of law and order was essential in securing the foundation on which desired reforms could be carried out. Zungur, bedridden during the session, in response to Balewa, wrote his own arguments in a letter which was delivered to the discussion circle by Aminu during the following session. In this letter, he bolstered Aminu's arguments while adding a few of his own.^{[10]:&#;90&#;} He urged Balewa to reconsider his "ill-conceived" defence of indirect rule and further argued:

The selection of its [the Native Authority's] gutter elite is being made neither on the basis of intelligence nor capacity, but simply by denial of the decent citizen's outlook. Members of the ruling minority have the readiness of desperadoes to gamble, with nothing to lose but everything to gain.^{[10]:&#;90&#;}

During another meeting, Aminu posed a question to Officer Knott: 'What determines an emir's salary?' Knott responded that it depended on the extent of his duties and the weight of his responsibilities. Aminu then pointed out that despite having fewer constituents and responsibilities compared to the Emir of Bauchi, the Lamido of Adamawa received a higher salary. Following this exchange, the meeting abruptly ended. Soon after, Knott announced the termination of the BDC, citing that the discussions were 'getting off the rails'.^{[10]:&#;91&#;[22]:&#;&#;}

To replace the BDC, Aminu and Zungur established another political organisation, the Bauchi Community Center. Starting with about 20 members, their first meeting took place at the Native Authority Library, near the emir's palace. During this meeting, accompanied by a policeman, Balewa approached them at the emir's request, asking them to disband as "all unions (organizations) are forbidden". Zungur then told him to tell the emir that they were not going to disband. After Balewa left, they decided to deliver a letter to the senior political officer telling him what had happened, claiming the emir was trespassing on their rights.^{[10]:&#; 91–92 &#;}

Three days later, the organization's members were invited to meet with the emir. The emir denied ordering their disbandment, and claimed that he had only forbade them from using "the Native Authority Library typewriters and facilities". Despite Balewa complaining that he delivered the message given to him accurately and Zungur ready to exploit this contradiction, the matter wasn't pursued further, and the organization accepted the emir's decision. Shortly after, an elderly man named Mallam Waziri offered them the use of his roofless hall for meetings, provided they roofed it themselves. They pooled their money together and roofed it.^{[10]:&#;93&#;}  Not long after, the British government offered Aminu one of seven scholarships to study in England starting from September , which he accepted.^{[8]:&#;&#;[10]:&#;97&#;[14][23]:&#;&#;}

London

At the Institute of Education in London, Aminu delved into the works of figures like Harold Laski, George Bernard Shaw, and Karl Mannheim, whose teachings is "the source of many of Aminu's ideas on the ideal human society". He established relations with several left-wing figures and organisations in London, including the Socialist Labour Party, the Student Socialist Society, and the Young Socialists, and met and befriended some left-leaning Members of Parliament and "top leaders" of communist organisations.^{[10]:&#;99&#;[24][25]:&#;&#;} He was also influenced by leading Labour politicians of the time, such as Aneurin Bevan and Fenner Brockway.^{[14][26]:&#;&#;}

After being exposed to these ideas and influences, Aminu attempted to blend the political philosophies of early French and American revolutionaries with Shavian Fabian socialism and the teachings of Usman dan Fodio, all while still under the influence of Sa'adu Zungur's radical ideas. He also witnessed the eve of India and Pakistan's independence struggles through the students from both nations. Aminu, alongside students from various British colonies, welcomed Ali Jinnah and Jawaharlal Nehru, leading figures in the independence movements of Pakistan and India respectively, during their London visit in These experiences likely contributed to his interest in the Gandhian form of resistance.^{[10]:&#;&#;[26]:&#;&#;}

During his course, Aminu taught in local primary schools and spent weeks in the Welsh countryside as a guest of the Young Farmers' Club. To fund his planned tour of the British countryside, he took on a part-time Hausa language translator role with the British Broadcasting Company (BBC). Unexpectedly, he was invited as a delegate to the World Boy Scout Jamboree in Rosny, allowing him to tour Europe at a discounted rate. Just before his journey to France, the entire boy scout contingent visited Buckingham Palace. Aminu was shocked the see the king and queen chatting and mingling freely with the boys which was a stark contrast with the way the British officialdom behaved back in Nigeria. This contradiction left him optimistic, interpreting it as a sign of the colonial empire's impending collapse.^{[10]:&#;–&#;[14]}

Northern Teachers' Association

In March ,^[27] while still studying London, Aminu formed the Northern Teachers' Welfare Association (later Northern Teachers' Association), the first region-wide organisation and labour union in Northern Nigeria,^{[8]:&#;&#;[28][29]:&#;41&#;} alongside other teachers from the region, like Salihu Fulani, Z. Y. Dimka, Yahaya Gusau, Shettima Shehu Ajiram, Shehu Shagari, and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa.^{[23]:&#;&#;[30]:&#;66&#;} The union focused on issues like rights and welfare of teachers, an improved syllabus, differences in salary between the North and the South and the eligibility of teachers in Christian Mission Schools for membership.^{[10]:&#;–&#;[12]:&#;91&#;[31]:&#;&#;}

The union grew rapidly, having about members in its first month^[32] and 25 branches within its first year and was later influential on the region's nationalist organisations that came after it.^{[29]:&#;41&#;[33]:&#;&#;} The union continued being the most dominant teachers' union in Northern Nigeria until is merger with the Nigerian Union of Teachers, the dominant teachers' union in southern Nigeria, in ^[34]:&#;&#;

Return to Bauchi

With the end of his course in , Aminu returned to Bauchi to resume his teaching career at the Bauchi Middle School. A few months later he was transferred to the Bauchi Teachers' Training College.^[10]:&#;&#;

During this time, Sir John MacPherson, the newly appointed Governor of Nigeria, was gearing up for a tour across the region. He was to tour the major cities of the North, but excluded Bauchi. Aminu and Zungur suspected that this omission was a deliberate move by the Governor and his advisors to avoid confronting the city's outspoken radicals and their list of demands and grievances. The two approached the Emir of Bauchi and informed him of the government's plan to avoid his domain, claiming it was because of Bauchi's poor school system, roads, and economy. They managed to convince him to permit them to organise a mass rally to protest the Governor's omission. This mass rally, which was the first ever held in Northern Nigeria, amassed about a thousand people.^{[10]:&#;–&#;}

Aminu, at the time still a junior teacher, was invited to Kaduna to meet with A J Knott (the district officer who had organised the BDC in ), now the Chief Secretary to the Government, and Sir MacPherson. During this meeting, the governor, addressing Aminu, had reportedly said:

You have indicated that you think we intentionally keep the North backward, and the North and South divided—that you want us to go so that your country may have independence. You're a man from an important Kano family, young and full of spirit, but you must realize that we don't intentionally prevent changes and keep the country from progressing.^[10]:&#;&#;

Knott proceeded to inform Aminu that they had been paying attention to his critiques of the government, stating, "We really like men like you, who are ahead of your countrymen". They offered him a position which would allow him to monitor and participate in the "financial section of the government" or even as the next editor of Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo. After returning to Bauchi, Aminu, after considering these offers and discussing them with Zungur and others, concluded that these offers were an attempt by the government to disrupt their activist activities. Consequently, Aminu rejected the offers, informing Knott and MacPherson that he preferred to remain a teacher.^[12]:&#;&#; He also later turned down a job as a lecturer in Hausa at the Oxford University.^{[10]:&#;–&#;}

However, some months later, in their ongoing efforts to disperse the Bauchi radicals, the British government transferred Aminu to Maru in Sokoto, appointing him as the headmaster of a newly constructed teachers' training college.^{[10]:&#;&#;[35]:&#;72&#;}

Sokoto

Sokoto had served as the capital of the 19th-century Sokoto Caliphate, established through the jihad of Usman dan Fodio. The caliphate covered a large majority of Northern Nigeria and most of the emirs owed allegiance to the Sultan of Sokoto.^[36] After the colonisation of the state by the British during the early 20th-century, Sokoto became a province and the Sultan's status was reduced; the other emirs answered directly to the British government, no longer to the Sultan. However, it retained its significance as the center of traditional and religious authority in the region. Hence, it was considered the most conservative section of a very conservative North.^[10]:&#;&#; Maru (now located in Maru, Zamfara state), a village in the province, had a population of 8, in ^[37] It was clear that Aminu's transfer to Maru was not only meant to distance him from Zungur but also to isolate him and impede his activities. Upon his arrival, he attempted to set up a discussion circle but there were too few educated people around him and the nearest large town to Maru was 35 miles away, "over terrible, barely passable roads". The Sultan, Siddiq Abubakar III, was also monitoring him, as Aminu later discovered. He learned that an elderly man he regularly gave alms to was a spy for the Sultan several weeks into his stay in Maru.^{[10]:&#;–&#;}

Throughout his time in Maru, Aminu found himself in confrontations that regularly put him at odds with the Sultan. It started when Aminu dismissed the Sultan's Yan Labari, or spies, after his arrival. Later, he sent a letter of complaint to the British authorities, alleging that funds intended for the farmers, whose land was used for the school, had not reached them.^[12]:&#;&#; Another dispute arose when Aminu and Abubakar Gumi, a colleague of Aminu and later Grand Khadi of Northern Nigeria, almost caused a Qadiriyya-Tijaniyya feud in the province when they prevented their students from attending a Friday service due to an issue with the imam's ablution. According to the two, the imam of Maru practiced tayammum, an act reserved for when water suitable for ablution is scarce, despite there being no scarcity of water in Maru. A commission of inquiry set up by the Sultan acquitted Gumi and urged the Sultan to personally intervene in Maru to halt the practice of tayammum. Despite the commission's recommendation, the Sultan refused to comply and declined to dismiss the Imam.^{[10]:&#;–&#;[38]}

At that time, Aminu shared a cordial relationship with Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, who held a rivalry with the Sultan. When the Sultan's court convicted Bello of jangali tax ('cattle tax') misappropriations in , Aminu contributed a significant portion of his Bauchi teaching salary to Bello's defense fund. With Aminu now in Maru, Bello saw him as a potential ally against the Sultan. Bello frequently visited Aminu in Maru, and during a visit by Aminu to Sokoto for a provincial constitutional conference, he stayed at Bello's residence. During this period, the Sultan extended a private invitation to Aminu, likely seeking reconciliation. He requested a discreet 2 a.m. meeting, but upon learning that Aminu had told Bello about this invitation, the Sultan grew furious and canceled the meeting.^{[10]:&#;–&#;}

Northern People's Congress

Due to the successes of Aminu's teachers' union, other notable learned men around the region approached him regarding the establishing of a similar organisation. During late , various organisations in Zaria, Kaduna and Bauchi merged to form the Jam'iyyar Mutanen Arewa or Northern People's Congress (NPC). In June , the organisation's inaugural meeting was held at the Green's Hotel in Kaduna with about in attendance. The founding members included Dr. R. A. B. Dikko, Yahaya Gusau, Abubakar Imam (editor of Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo), Yusuf Maitama Sule, Aliyu Mai Bornu, Aminu Kano, Isa Wali (Aminu's cousin) and Sa'adu Zungur, who was the general secretary of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) at the time.^{[10]:&#;&#;[33]:&#;&#;[39]:&#;75&#;}

In its first general meeting in December , the leaders of the congress, Dikko and Gusau, declared that the congress did not intend to subvert the colonial and aristocratic government and that the:

Jam'iyyar does not intend to usurp the authority of our Natural rulers; on the contrary, it is our ardent desire to enhance such authority whenever and wherever possible. We want to help our Natural rulers in the proper discharge of their dutiesWe want to help them in enlightening the Talakawa [common people].^{[33]:&#;&#;[39]:&#;75&#;}

A district officer, representing the Resident of Kano, cautioned the attendees that they could only bring about their desired reforms if they moved "slowly with caution" and that "one must learn to walk before one can run". Aminu responded by asking him to report to his superiors that:

If we go on foot, we will not walk, we will run. And if we fall, we will pick ourselves up and run again. But mark you, we will not go on foot. You might tell us to go by camel, or horse, but we will even skip the motor car and go by plane. And the British had best not deny us the choice of our means of transportation, no matter how fast.^{[10]:&#;–&#;[12]:&#;93&#;}

Several Northern rulers, such as the Sultan, Emir of Kano and the Emir of Zaria, approved of this 'harmless' and 'deferential' attitude of the congress. However, younger members like Maitama, Aminu, and Zungur believed the congress was too uncritical of both the emirs and British authorities, emphasising the need for political reform in the North. Finally in August , some radical NPC members in Kano formed the Northern Elements Progressive Union (Jamiyar Neman Sawaba), the first declared political party in Northern Nigeria.^{[12]:&#;94&#;} NEPU was influenced by Zungur's openly radical Northern Elements Progressive Association.^[33]:&#;&#; They had the support of Aminu, who was unable to join the party at the time as he was still employed by the government and could not openly join a political party.^{[10]:&#;&#;[12]:&#;94&#;}

Resignation

Aminu handed in his resignation letter on 16 October and departed from Maru for good on November 4 of the same year. Sheikh Usman Bida, who was a classmate of Aminu at Kaduna College, and Sule Katagum, Wazirin Katagum, both believed that he was forced to resign. Aminu himself had contemplated this move as early as April of that year. When the deputy director of Education for the North warned him that he would not be reappointed if he persisted in his political activities, Aminu noted in his diary, "All right, that's his problem. Mine is to resign by next year."^[10]:&#;&#;

An article by Aminu explaining his reasons for resignation was published in the Daily Comet newspaper on 11 November

I resigned because I refuse to believe that this country is by necessity a prisoner of the Anglo-Fulani aristocracy—I resigned because I fanatically share the view that the Native Authorities are woefully hopeless in solving our urgent educational, social, economic, political or even religious problems—My stay in Englandhas hardened my soul in elevating truth, freedom and above all human rights for which the world fought off fascism—I had twice been threatened with the merciless fangs while all around are piled corruption, misrule, political bluff, slavery under another garb, naked nepotism, tyranny, povertyunnecessary retention of hereditary parasites, naked and shameless economic exploitationI cannot tolerate these things because of their awful smellI am prepared to be called by any name. Call me a dreamer or call me a revolutionary; call me a crusader or anything this imperialist government wills. I have seen a light on the far horizon and I intend to march into its full circle either alone or with anyone who cares to go with me. To these same suppressors of our people, I say this: Look Out! Africa is a sleeping giant no more! She is just about to shake off the stupor?"^{[10]:&#;–&#;[26]:&#;&#;[25]:&#;&#;}

Political career

Pre-Independence (—)

After his resignation, Aminu returned to Kano and formally joined Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) party.^[12]:&#;&#;  The stated goals of the party included the "emancipation of the talakawa" (commoners) through "reform of the present autocratic political institutions". During the second annual convention of the Northern Peoples' Congress (NPC) in December , a resolution by NEPU, drafted by Aminu, called for the NPC to be declared as an "an explicitly nationalist political party".^{[12]:&#;95&#;}  It became evident that a political party was needed for the North, to keep up with the continued democratisation of the country.^{[9]:&#;–&#;} However, powerful emirs and "certain administrative officers" viewed the NPC as a group with dangerously radical ideas. Concerns from moderate and conservative members arose, with fears that the NPC, if viewed as radical, would struggle to be the dominant party in the North. Several NPC members threatened to withdraw from the organisation if the NEPU members were not expelled.^{[12]:&#;95–96&#;}

Shehu Shagari, as leader of the Sokoto Youth Social Circle wing of the NPC, was given instructions to oppose any bid by both Aminu and Zungur for leadership positions at the Jos convention of the NPC. Shagari, on his way to the convention, met Aminu and Zungur on a train and informed them of this instruction. He claimed that Aminu, upon hearing of this, encouraged him to "exercise the mandate I had been given" and assured him of their continued friendship and respect.^{[30]:&#;68–69&#;[41]:&#;25&#;} Consequently, NEPU withdrew from the NPC, forming an independent political party.^{[10]:&#;–&#;[41]:&#;25–33&#;}

Aminu participated in the primary voting phase of the first parliamentary election in September for the Northern House of Assembly. His party, NEPU, secured victory with 12 out of the 26 seats allocated for Kano city, outperforming the other three parties, including Native Administration officials who collectively held six seats.^{[12]:&#;30&#;[35]:&#;74&#;} The subsequent stage involved the final colleges, which elected candidates to the House of Assembly through a secret ballot. These colleges, comprising relatively small groups, each cast several hundreds votes or less.^{[12]:&#;29&#;} Despite NEPU's success in the earlier stages, Aminu was less fortunate in the final voting process, receiving 16 votes out of 68, and no NEPU member secured a position in the House of Assembly, which served as an electoral college for the House of Representatives. Four NEPU members, initially successful in the intermediate stage, found themselves competing against previously defeated candidates from the Native Authority during the final stage.^{[12]:&#;30&#;[35]:&#;74&#;} Because of the outcome of the elections, it was perceived that British officials and the Native Authority had devised an electoral system that favoured the Native Authority,^{[12]:&#;30&#;[14][42]:&#;78–79&#;} and "a high proportion of elected members became defenders of its interests".^{[42]:&#;78–79&#;} Sir Bryan Sharwood-Smith, former Governor of Northern Nigeria, 'wished' that Aminu had won the election as it "might have taken some of the bitterness out of Aminu's system" and that "[Northern Nigeria] needed all the able men it could muster, and of Aminu's ability there could be no question".^[43]:&#;&#; A mass rally of "15, souls [taxpayers]" by NEPU was organised in Kano to protest this outcome. The party organised mock elections to show that direct elections could be conducted in an orderly fashion. NEPU managed to raise enough funds to send Aminu to England "to plead their case before the British Parliament and the general public". With the help of Thomas Hodgkin and John Collins, Aminu was able to meet members of the House of Lords, FabianMPs, and the British Secretary of State. The Native Authority retaliated by harassing and jailing NEPU members around Kano, notably physically assaulting Gambo Sawaba, the influential women's rights activist and leader of NEPU's women's wing. The NPC, now the leading political party in the North, also employed 'a group of hooligans' who were colloquially known as Yan Mahaukata ('mad people') or Jam'iyyar Mahaukata ('Madmen's Party'), to harass members of other political parties in Kano, particularly NEPU members. In addition to establishing the Positive Action Wing (PAW) to counter these aggressions, some members of the British Parliament, such as Fenner Brockway, put pressure on the colonial government to cease the repressive actions. The PAW was eventually dissolved in as it turned out to be even more violent than the Yan Mahaukata.^{[9]:&#;&#;[10]:&#;–&#;[44][45]:&#;&#;[46]}

Due to his high status within the party Aminu was well protected against the physical violence the other NEPU members suffered.^[48]:&#;&#; However, Aminu faced numerous arrests by the Native Authority. Notably, during the federal election campaign of , he was convicted twice. First, for flying NEPU's flag on his car in Kano city—an act traditionally reserved for the Emir of Kano and the British Resident. Second, for publishing articles with alleged 'seditious intent,' resulting in a three-day imprisonment for the former and a £50 fine for the latter.^{[12]:&#;&#;[49]:&#;91&#;} In another incident, he was accused of heresy by a group of mallamai, led by Nasiru Kabara. The accusation centered around the belief that the wearing of Sawaba buttons by NEPU members was un-Islamic, and NEPU was alleged to be collaborating with Christians against the religious leaders of the North. Accompanied by his advisers Danladi and Lawan Dambazau, Aminu appeared before the Emir's council of Kano to address these charges. Given the gravity of the accusations, he and the aforementioned advisers "performed the ablutions of a man facing impending death (last rites)". At the meeting, Aminu pointed out that the emir's council was not a debating society and that discussions should be held separately and later reported to the emir. This was agreed and a second meeting was scheduled. At this second meeting, Aminu said that NEPU's alliance with National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) was not against Islamic teachings as even Muhammad once made a defense alliance with Jews around Medina. He also said that the Emir of Kano himself had recently consulted Christian Igbo engineers to work on the Great Mosque of Kano in the s. On the matter of the Sawaba buttons, Aminu questioned if it was also considered un-Islamic when some emirs wore the medal of the British Order of St. George. A compromise was eventually reached and NEPU members were only allowed to wear party badges at mass rallies.^{[10]:&#;–&#;}

Aminu was elected the President-General of NEPU at the third annual convention of the party in , succeeding Abba Maikwaru. A year later, the party formed an alliance with Nnamdi Azikiwe's National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC).^{[12]:&#;&#;[42]:&#;–&#;} He contested in the Federal elections for Kano East but lost to Maitama Sule.^[17] During the regional elections, Aminu contested for the Kano East constituency. He lost the election to Ahmadu Dantata, one of the wealthiest Nigerians and heir to the Dantata business empire.^[9]:&#;&#; The election, conducted on the basis of male taxpayer suffrage, concluded with Dantata securing 2, votes against Aminu's 1,^{[12]:&#;–&#;[50]}

The Nigerian general election marked a significant milestone as the first election featuring direct voting in every constituency. Aminu, running under the NEPU-NCNC alliance, again contested for the Kano East constituency and received % of the votes, securing a seat in the Federal House of Representatives.^{[12]:&#;&#;[35]:&#;&#;} At the House, he was appointed the position of the Deputy Government Chief Whip, and Chairman of the Alliance Committee on foreign affairs and is reported to have declined a ministerial appointment as he deemed it 'unseemly' to accept a position "with prestige and no power" with about 2, of his party followers in prison.^{[10]:&#;&#;[12]:&#;&#;[51]:&#;&#;}

First Republic (—)

See also: First Nigerian Republic

As a Parliamentarian, Aminu directed his attention toward national and international issues affecting the newly independent Nigeria, while maintaining his main objective of the emancipation of the talakawa. At the House, he proposed several ways to support and speed up the country's decolonisation efforts. With regard to Nigeria's foreign policy, Aminu was a staunch advocate of pan-Africanism, arguing that Nigeria should become "the base for struggle against the white domination".^[52] He persistently pushed for Nigeria to increase its support for anti-apartheid efforts in South Africa and encouraged the continued involvement of Nigeria in restoring "peace and dignity in the Congo".^{[10]:&#;&#;[53][54][55]} Appointed as a United Nations (UN) delegate by the Prime Minister of Nigeria, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, his former colleague from Bauchi, Aminu was less radical relative to his local activities. During his tenure at the UN, particularly on international matters, he aligned himself with "progressivism and vigilant neutralism." As a militant pan-Africanist, he advocated for a non-aligned position for Nigeria, believing in the cause of 'non-bloc diplomacy'.^{[10]:&#;–&#;[56]:&#;29–31&#;}

During Aminu's tenure in the House in Lagos, managing NEPU became increasingly challenging. In early , Joseph Tarka, leader of the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC), proposed an alliance between NEPU and his party to form a potent coalition to challenge the NPC in the North. However, the condition was that NEPU would support UMBC's goal of creating a separate Middle Belt state. While Aminu saw potential benefits in the coalition, he declined due to UMBC's affiliation with the Action Group (AG). He interpreted the proposal as an indirect attempt by the AG to sever NCNC's ties with NEPU, their main opposition in the south. Despite opposition from some NEPU members, the UMBC proposal gained popularity, and Aminu's rejection faced criticism. NEPU's poor performance in the elections for the Northern House of Assembly, where they won only one seat, added to the party's internal instability.^{[10]:&#;&#;[12]:&#;&#;[57]:&#;&#;} In , Muhammad Sanusi was deposed by the Northern Regional Government as Emir of Kano. Aminu suspected Ahmadu Bello, the Premier of Northern Nigeria and NPC leader, of being behind the deposition. He distributed posters and propaganda drawing parallels to the historical rivalry between Sokoto and Kano. Sanusi was replaced by the ageing Muhammad Inuwa, who had a cordial relationship with Aminu. Sanusi's supporters formed the Kano People's Party (KPP), aiming for his return or his son Ado Sanusi's ascension. The KPP allied with NEPU, albeit without a commitment to Sanusi's restoration. NPC, in an attempt to salvage support in Kano, called for its supporters to greet the new Emir. After NEPU supporters were harassed at the gathering, they organised a larger gathering the next day with 35, people in attendance, where the Emir received them positively. Inuwa died the day after this gathering and Bello, in an attempt to avoid further unrest, appointed Ado Bayero, Sanusi's half-brother and Nigeria's ambassador to Senegal, as his replacement. Sanusi's deposition significantly impacted NEPU's support in Kano and heightened tensions between Kano and Sokoto, particularly within the Sufi brotherhoodsTijanniyya and Qadriyya. Although Aminu remained unaffiliated with any Sufi brotherhood, he understood their significance in Northern Nigeria and leveraged the rivalries to advance NEPU's interests. During the Federal election campaigns, Aminu visited Sheikh Ibrahim Niass, the influential Tijanni leader, in Kaolack resulting in photos of Aminu receiving blessings from the Sheikh circulating in Northern Nigeria.^{[8]:&#;&#;[10]:&#;–&#;[57]:&#;&#;[48]:&#;–&#;}

General election

See also: Nigerian general election

After UMBC ended its alliance with the Action Group, NEPU and UMBC formed the Northern Progressive Front (NPF), aiming to "breakup of the monolithic Northern Region, to give adequate voice to the larger minority groups". The KPP and other smaller groups joined the NPF, with hopes of establishing a separate, independent Kano state. As the country approached elections, all three regions experienced heightened unrest and allegations of corruption. In Kano, Aminu, as NEPU's leader, met with Ibrahim Gashash, NPC party leader, to mitigate potential violence by agreeing on electoral conduct. Gashash agreed to persuade his party leaders to avoid bloody clashes "but all to no avail". On December 28, just two days before the election, President Azikiwe urged Prime Minister Balewa to postpone the election for six months due to escalating unrest and requested UN monitoring. Balewa rejected the request, claiming that it was beyond his authority. The chairman of the Federal Electoral Commission, without consulting other members, also dismissed it. Which led to three out of six commission members resigning. The perceived injustices and alleged corruption lead to several candidates and parties to boycott the election, resulting in 'lopsided' results. Aminu lost his Kano East constituency to the NPC candidate, Mahmud Dantata, son of Alhassan Dantata and former NEPU member, with Dantata receiving 1, votes against Aminu's out of 40, eligible voters.^{[8]:&#;&#;[10]:&#;–&#;}

Following the election, Aminu and the central working committee of NEPU organised a convention to restrategise. A "White Paper on Political Problems Facing Nigeria" was written to be presented, which evaluated NEPU's role and proposed organisational adjustments. This convention marked the largest in the party's history, with delegates from hundreds of branches across the North in attendance. Among the topics discussed included the possibility of the unification of all opposition political parties in the North, the formation of an "all-encompassing national party", the creation of new states, establishing a scholarship aid. The convention also led to the inception of the Kano State Movement (KSM), comprising NEPU, KPP, and some dissident NPC members. On April 14, , a mass gathering was held to inaugurate the KSM, drawing one of the largest crowds in Northern Nigerian political history. Ahmadu Trader, Aminu's long-time friend, was appointed its first president and Aminu its political adviser.^{[10]:&#;–&#;} The KSM's primary goal was the formation of a separate Kano state.^[8]:&#;&#;

In , Prime Minister Balewa appointed Aminu as a UN delegate. Aminu represented Nigeria at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Upon his return from UN duties, on 6 January , Aminu traveled from Lagos to Kano to attend a NEPU conference, where discussions on ways to restrategise continued. Upon his arrival in Kano, Aminu was informed through Abubakar Gumi, the Grand Khadi (Chief Justice) of the Northern Region and Aminu's former colleague in Maru, about a secret meeting arranged by Ahmadu Bello, who was then in Mecca. The meeting was to be between the three of them and was scheduled for 16 January However, just before the meeting could take place, Bello was assassinated on 15 January. While Bello's intentions for the meeting remain unclear due to his untimely demise, Gumi's opinion was that he might have been reconsidering the level of repression in the North and sought to negotiate an electoral agreement for the upcoming Northern Regional Assembly elections.^[10]:&#;&#;

Military rule (—)

Between 14 and 15 January , rebel soldiers of the Nigerian Army led by Kaduna Nzeogwu and four others assassinated several influential Nigerians including Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Prime Minister of Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, and Chief Ladoke Akintola, Premier of Western Nigeria. This coup attempt instigated an anti-coup movement within the army, led by the General Officer Commanding, Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, which managed to thwart the coup. Following the failed coup, on 16 January, Aguiyi-Ironsi assumed the position of Head of State, leading Nigeria's first Military Government.^{[58]:&#;63&#;}

Ironsi's regime

See also: Nigerian coup d'état

Despite the optimism among his fellow NEPU members, who believed they could fill the political vacuum left by the coup, Aminu approached the Ironsi regime cautiously. Representing his party, he sent a 'cautiously worded' telegram to the government, avoiding swearing allegiance but expressing hope that the Ironsi regime would unite the nation and advance democratisation. Ironsi quickly became unpopular in the North and West regions due to his disregard for the political class of these regions, favouring the emirs and chiefs instead . The only influential political figures in the new administration were the former Governors, now serving as advisers to the military governors. The new situation in the North began to resemble the old indirect rule of the British colonialists, which further increased the animosity against the regime, especially within the radical circles. Three months into his rule, Aminu was holding talks with Joseph Tarka and Maitama Sule regarding what they considered "a common threat to Nigeria".^{[8]:&#;–&#;[25]:&#;–&#;} Around the time of this meeting, Ironsi eventually agreed to set up a meeting with Aminu. Aminu outlined the challenges facing the North and proposed solutions. Ironsi, however, seemed to be unintrested, hence, Aminu's efforts were "to no avail". Subsequently, Aminu relied on the relatively conservative Ado Bayero, the Emir of Kano, to convey his radical ideas to the Supreme Commander.^{[10]:&#;–&#;}

In May, Ironsi issued the controversial "Unification Decree" which abolished the regions of Nigeria and replaced with "groups of provinces". Additionally, the Decree unified the previously regionalised civil services. He further abolished all political parties and cultural associations in an attempt to attack 'tribalism'. The announcement of the Decree heightened tensions in the North, where the majority of the elite groups felt increasingly alienated from the government in Lagos. They felt that the Decree was not adequately discussed with them and contained conditions "unfavourable to them".^[25]:&#;&#; In Kano, around two hundred students, mostly from Abdullahi Bayero College, Rumfa College, and the School for Arabic Studies, organised a protest and presented the Emir of Kano a written statement to deliver to the Military Governor of the Northern Region, Hassan Katsina. The following day, riots broke out in the city, with the rioters targeting Igbo traders, resulting in the deaths of around to persons, primarily Igbos but also including others caught in the disturbances. A tribunal was established to investigate the riots, with its head being Sir Lionel Brett, a British judge of the Nigerian Supreme Court. Sir Brett's tribunal never passed its judgement as Ironsi's regime ended after he was killed on 29 July ^{[58]:&#;75–79&#;[25]:&#;,&#;–&#;}

In July, Ironsi organised a conference with the country's most influential emirs and chiefs in Ibadan. During the conference, he instructed them on singing the national anthem and expressed his intention to post them roles around Nigeria similar to the military governors, a suggestion that was so controversial, Sarkin Kano Ado Bayero walked out of the conference. On 29 July , a counter-coup led mostly by officers from the North was launched, resulting in Ironsi's assassination in Ibadan.^[25]:&#;&#; On 1 August , Lt-Colonel Yakubu Gowon was appointed Head of State after being requested by the Supreme Military Council (SMC) to assume command.^{[25]:&#;52&#;}

Gowon's regime (—)

See also: Nigerian counter-coup

The appointment of Gowon, a Christian northerner from a minority ethnic group, as Head of State was a move by the SMC to dissuade the Northern coupists, led by Lt-Colonel Murtala Muhammed, from seceding from the republic. Gowon promptly released most of the political prisoners detained during Ironsi's regime, including Obafemi Awolowo, the influential Yoruba politician from the Western region. He also revoked the controversial Unification Decree and reinstated the previously abolished four regions. Additionally, Gowon organised a conference of regional representatives to devise new constitutional principles, known as the Ad Hoc constitutional committee. Aminu and Joseph Tarka were among the Northern region's representatives at the conference. All delegates at the conference, except the Easterners, supported the idea of a strong federal government based on small states.^{[25]:&#;52&#;}

Immediately after the announcement of Gowon's appointment, Aminu helped organise discussions with the North's "leaders of thought" in Kaduna, comprising civil servants and First Republic politicians. The discussions revolved around the direction of the new government, with discussion papers drafted and presented for consideration, modification, or rejection by the group. Prior to the convening of Gowon's ad hoc committee, the discussion group discussed the topic of new states and Aminu was chosen to head the subcommittee. Aminu represented the Kaduna group at the Ad Hoc Conference in Lagos, presenting their recommendation for the creation of 12 to 14 states, with 7 for the North and 5 for the South. However, the Conference ultimately divided the states evenly, with 6 for both North and South. In the initial two months of Gowon's administration, Aminu held three separate meetings with him. The first involved a ten-man delegation from the North, the second as a member of the Ad Hoc Committee, the third meeting involved Aminu as part of a five-man committee of Northerners, led by Sir Kashim Ibrahim, a former NPC politician and the last civilian Governor of Northern Nigeria, convened by Gowon to convince them on the necessity for a strong federal government and national unity.^{[10]:&#;–&#;}

With the North now in support of a strong federal government, following Gowon's successful persuasion of Ibrahim's delegation, and the West also in support after Chief Awolowo eventually "came around" to the idea, only the Eastern region remained in opposition. The Igbo dominated East harbored distrust toward the military led government, likely due to the "pogrom-like" violence they endured shortly after the July coup, carried out by rogue soldiers seeking revenge for the January coup. In his diary entry on 4 October , Aminu noted "Account of army mutiny most disheartening. Speed and action required. East on way to secession." In an attempt to hasten the return to civilian government, Aminu approached the leaders of the Ad Hoc Committee, Awolowo (West), Kashim Ibrahim (North), Anthony Enahoro (Mid-West) and 'Eni' (East), to initiate talks on establishing an interim government. However, his efforts were interrupted by the eruption of violence in the North.^{[10]:&#;–&#;[25]:&#;52–53&#;}

Among the three major instances of large outbreak of violence in , the one in October was "by far the most massive in terms of deaths".^[25]:&#;&#; The violence was carried out by Northern soldiers and local thugs, notably the yan daba in Kano. As a result, many Igbos residing in the North fled to the East in search of safety. After enduring another massacre, the Eastern region refused to return to the Ad Hoc conferences.^{[25]:&#;52–56&#;[58]:&#;–&#;} By the end of the violence, "all Ibos had fled the North, and Hausas the East". The mass flight of about a million Easterners brought the economy of the North to a near standstill. The sudden departure of clerks, technicians, traders, and civil servants severely impacted the region's economy, with services only able to recover to about 40% of pre-coup levels six weeks later. To help solve this issue, Aminu established the Kano Community Commercial School (now known as Aminu Kano Community Commercial College). Hassan Katsina, Military-Governor of the North, agreed to help hasten the project, and Maitama Sule offered his home as the school's first location. Among the other people who supported the project were Sarkin Kano Ado Bayero, Aminu Dantata, Sani Gezawa, Inuwa Wada, and Tanko Yakasai. Aminu personally donated pounds to the project, with total contributions amounting to approximately 4, pounds. Aminu served as the chairman of the school until his passing in One of the school's most notable alumni is Aliko Dangote, the richest African.^[59][60]

In early January , the Supreme Military Council (SMC) held a meeting in Aburi, Ghana, which historian Max Siollun described as "a historic constitutional debate that would determine Nigeria's future social and political structure".^[58]:&#;&#; The most active participant in the meeting was Lt-Colonel C. Odumegwu-Ojukwu, the Military-Governor of the East, who put forth several suggestions. Among these suggestions, the most crucial ones were that regions must approve any decisions affecting them in the future, and all existing decrees contrary to this principle must be repealed. These suggestions, essentially advocating for regional autonomy, received unanimous agreement among all parties of the SMC. However, upon Gowon's return to Lagos, "his civil servants were aghast at the depth of his concessions to Ojukwu". Consequently, the Aburi Accords were never implemented, leading to the worsening of the relationship between the Eastern Region and the Federal Government.^{[25]:&#;56–57&#;[58]:&#;–&#;} While this was ongoing, Aminu; Joseph Tarka, UMBC leader; Aliyu Makaman Bida, the most senior surviving NPC politician; and Umaru Dikko, as their secretary, were touring the North to inform the populace on current events and, most importantly, to discourage talks of seceding from the Federation. The tour included holding public discussions and meeting with the influential emirs and chiefs of the region.^[30]:&#;&#; Not long after the tour, Aminu lost his cousin Isa Wali in February and his father in May.^{[10]:&#;–&#;[25]:&#;&#;}

On 27 May , Gowon announced the division of Nigeria into twelve states. A move that was widely celebrated by the minority ethnic groups of the abolished four regions.^{[25]:&#;&#;[61]} A Federal Executive Council (FEC) was formed to serve under the Supreme Military Council. The FEC included appointed civilian representatives from each state and was to serve as the administrative arm of the government. Aminu was appointed as Kano State's representative and was given the position of the Federal Commissioner of Communications.^{[10]:&#;–&#;}

Civil war (—)

Main article: Nigerian Civil War

Three days following the division of the regions, Ojukwu declared the independence of the Eastern Region, which was to be known as the Republic of Biafra.^[25]:&#;&#; After the government's failed attempts at a "police action", the Military-Government responded with land and sea blockades. Afterwards, the Biafran army invaded and seized control of the Mid-Western State (Bendel), leading to a declaration of war by Gowon.